{"id":2410,"date":"2022-11-16T19:22:45","date_gmt":"2022-11-16T19:22:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cedehm.org.mx\/en\/?p=2410"},"modified":"2022-11-16T19:22:45","modified_gmt":"2022-11-16T19:22:45","slug":"militarization-is-not-the-solution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cedehm.org.mx\/en\/2022\/11\/16\/militarization-is-not-the-solution\/","title":{"rendered":"Militarization is not the solution"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

192,831 military agents throughout the country<\/p>\n\n\n\n

October 12, 2022<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On October 4, the Senate voted to approve by a divided majority the extension of the presence of the armed forces in the streets until 2028, arguing that it was necessary to provide security to citizens since until now the National Guard had not done enough. Today the House of Representatives will discuss and vote on the opinion of the Senate to vote tomorrow in the plenary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The participation of the armed forces in public security tasks is particularly worrisome due to the lack of transparency they can operate with compared to police corporations. Furthermore, military operations are is reactive and a frontal combat against the enemy, while the security of citizens demands an approach based on crime prevention and attention to victims. These circumstances have jeopardized the respect and protection of the rights of citizens, which has been reflected since 2007 in an increase in complaints received by the National Human Rights Commission regarding the actions of the Ministry of Defense and the Navy. For this reason, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights pointed out in his report of May 2022 that the public security approach characterized by militarization to fight crime has been insufficient and inadequate with regard to the protection of human rights. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The strategy of militarizing public security has not had a significant impact in guaranteeing peace and justice for citizens. On the contrary, resorting to the armed forces to replace the functions of the police forces made violence worse in different areas of the north of the country and led to the violation of human rights, such as in the cases of extrajudicial executions and enforced disappearances. Neutralizing the threat posed by organized crime activities requires an approach that goes beyond frontal combat tactics against the enemy, since these create conditions that make it possible to violate human rights. An adequate and effective security strategy requires the creation of police forces commanded by civilians, with well-trained troops, in close contact with citizens, and with the necessary equipment. Furthermore, the effective deployment of these troops must be based on exhaustive intelligence and investigative work. It is also essential to generate mechanisms that prevent corruption and impunity in the forces assigned to security tasks.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As established by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (CoIDH) in the resolution: Alvarado Espinoza and Others Vs. Mexico case. Background, reparations, and costs. November 28, 2018 resolution. Series C No. 370, para. 182:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The participation of the armed forces in matters of public security must be exceptional, extraordinary, justified, subordinate, complementary, and overseen by competent and independent civilian bodies.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For those of us who live in the northern states of Mexico, such as Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and Chihuahua<\/strong>, the fact that the Army is still on the streets guarantees serious violations of human rights, since in recent years, the organizations represented here have documented cases where the military are directly and indirectly involved, especially after the implementation of strategies where members of the Army participated in public security institutions such as the so-called \u00abCoahuila Model\u00bb in 2008, \u00abNuevo Le\u00f3n Seguro\u00bb in 2007 and \u00abOperativo Conjunto Chihuahua\u00bb in 2008.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Coahuila<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Coahuila, there was an act of abuse by the Army in 2006. In a bar in Casta\u00f1os, Coahuila, 14 female dancers were sexually abused by several soldiers; It was after a while that the military itself finally took them to civil court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Subsequently, violence increased in the state and coincided with the implementation of the strategy called \u201cCoahuila Model\u201d, where retired soldiers were in charge of public security institutions. <\/strong>At that time, various special groups were created that were trained by these soldiers to fight criminal groups. But it seems that the government did not think of a strategy that would benefit civil society, since serious human rights violations increased, especially disappearances, extortion and homicides. That is, the model failed and the military officials in charge of these institutions left the state.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today there is another very serious situation: Rights violations against migrants<\/strong>. In July 2019, an operation was carried out outside the Casa del Migrante Saltillo, led by the Military Police, the Municipal Police, the National Guard and SEDENA troops, under the argument of searching for drug dealers. Also, on their way to the northern border, migrants are intercepted both by state police officers and the National Guard,<\/strong> being stripped of their belongings and the documents that in many cases allow them free transit through the country. In a report called \u201cBajo la Bota\u201d (Under the boot) prepared by various organizations throughout the country, they describe: \u201cThe militarized immigration policy has increased the risk for migrants.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Coahuila has become one of the main states where there is a military presence: it ranks sixth with 4,453 members of the armed forces <\/strong>after Baja California, Baja California Sur, Sinaloa, Sonora and Chihuahua.[i] There are three mega barracks, three military bases; three air bases, a Puerta Amarilla barracks; six military operation centers and by September 22, 300 soldiers had arrived through the Laguna Special Command, within the framework of the National Public Security Strategy. Finally, only in Coahuila has a Militarized Technological High School program been available since 2017. 1<\/sup> 2<\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nuevo Le\u00f3n<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The presence of thousands of members of the armed forces in Nuevo Le\u00f3n began after the entry into force of the \u201cNuevo Le\u00f3n Seguro\u201d agreement in 2007<\/strong>. As of that year, subsequent governors renewed and expanded said agreement. During the current administration, the Monterrey Seguro operation has promoted the participation of the military in patrolling and setting up checkpoints. Since February 2022, several hundred members of the Army have arrived in the capital to gradually undertake public security tasks in the metropolitan area. This trend represents a risk to the civil rights of the citizens of the state, since in the past some members of the armed forces have participated in executions and disappearances. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some notable cases of extrajudicial executions include those of Roc\u00edo El\u00edas Garza and her husband, Juan Carlos Chavarr\u00eda, executed by the military in March 2010 in the municipality of An\u00e1huac when they were leaving work; Jorge Antonio Mercado and Javier Francisco Arredondo, students from the Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education, assassinated by members of the army in March 2010 on their school campus; Jorge Otilio Cant\u00fa, assassinated by the military in April 2011; and Gustavo Acosta, executed at his home by members of the Navy in September of that year. Regarding enforced disappearance, a soldier was sentenced in May 2012; in March 2016, five members of the Navy were linked to a judicial process for the enforced disappearance of Humberto del Bosque registered in August 2013. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chihuahua<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the specific case of the state of Chihuahua, we suffered the consequences of violence and the militarized response to it, which was exacerbated since the army started patroling the streets in the context of the \u201cJoint Chihuahua Operation\u201d in 2008<\/strong>, during the failed war on drug trafficking, a strategy implemented by then-President Felipe Calder\u00f3n, and whose only achievement was to place Ciudad Ju\u00e1rez at the top of the list of the most dangerous cities in the world, a situation that to date has had a profound impact on citizens regarding their trust in the authorities, especially due to the multiple reports of enforced disappearances, home invasions, torture, extrajudicial executions, and arbitrary arrests committed by the military.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Precisely because of the currently strengthened militarization strategy, we would like to recall the disappearance of Nitza Paola Alvarado Espinoza, Roc\u00edo Irene Alvarado Reyes and Jos\u00e9 \u00c1ngel Alvarado Herrera in December 2009, which occurred in the Benito Ju\u00e1rez Ejido in the Municipality of Buenaventura, Chih. and was perpretrated by Mexican Army soldiers, as recognized by the CoIDH in the resolution issued on the case in 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We will continue to demand that the resolution of the Court in the following mentioned sentence be enforced:<\/p>\n\n\n\n